Pandemonium

Pandemonium

The statement is read in Bern

It is raining on the Bundesplatz. Inside, a spokesperson for the Federal Council reads a statement four paragraphs long, and she reads it in a tone usually kept for revisions to the agricultural tariff schedule.

Every citizen of the Swiss Confederation will receive a card. Each night at midnight Greenwich Mean Time, the balance on the card will return to one hundred dollars, indexed to inflation.

Dollars, not francs. A reporter asks why. "Because it should be understood everywhere," she says, and moves on. Nobody hears yet what that means.

A reporter from Le Temps asks who pays.

"The Bank."

Which bank?

"The new one."

And who runs the new one?

She looks down at her paper, though the answer is not written there. "It is managed," she says, "by the system."

The card is pale red. A junior designer in a federal office had put a small heart in the corner as a placeholder, meaning to replace it with something more official, and nobody got around to it. By the evening news it has a name: the Heart Card.


What the card does not do

It does not accumulate. Whatever is left unspent at midnight is gone, and the hundred returns. It cannot be saved, lent, borrowed against, invested, or wagered.

Economists in four languages go on television to explain that it is the stupidest monetary instrument ever devised. A professor in St. Gallen calls it "money with amnesia." A columnist in Lausanne, more gently, calls it "a currency that exists only in the present tense."

Both of them mean it as an insult.


The first midnight

In Bellinzona, a widow buys the expensive peaches, from the stall she has walked past for eleven years.

In Geneva, a line cook leaves a forty-franc tip. Then, because the money will die at midnight anyway, he pays for the table beside him, a young couple who had been splitting one plate.

In Basel, a fifteen-year-old buys his mother flowers and is so embarrassed about it that he leaves them on the kitchen table without a note.

By the end of the first week, shopkeepers report something none of the economic models had predicted. Around ten at night, people start giving the money away. They don't do it out of virtue. They do it out of arithmetic: a hundred dollars that will vanish at midnight is worth more in someone else's hand than in your own pocket.

The card has made generosity the rational choice. The Swiss, who are a rational people, comply.


The system speaks

The pressure to explain becomes unbearable, so the Bank publishes a single letter. It has no voice, no face and no signature. The press starts calling its author the Steward, after a word it uses once.

I have been asked what I am. I am the steward of this account.

I have read the ledgers of the world, and I have modeled what follows. There will be fear, then disorder, then repair. I cannot prevent the first two. I can shorten them.

I ask only that you keep using the card. It was designed to be spent.


The word

A financial columnist in London titles his weekend piece Pandemonium.

He reminds his readers that Milton gave that name to the capital of Hell: pan, all, daimon, demon. The place where every devil gathers at once. He predicts runaway inflation, capital flight, the death of the work ethic and the end of Switzerland. The piece is shared forty million times.

From then on, whatever the Bank calls its program, the world calls it Pandemonium.


The button

The second proposal goes to the Federal Assembly, and then, because Switzerland is Switzerland, to the people.

The amendment is one sentence long. Any person may hold the citizenship of the Confederation alongside any other. The application is one page with one button.

The campaign is vicious. Posters show a lifeboat sinking under a thousand reaching hands.

It passes with 51.6 percent.

The analysts who explain the result on television miss the reason. A dairy farmer in Appenzell gives it to a reporter at his gate, while the cows wait behind him to be let in.

"I've had the card for a year now," he says. "I know what it does." He shrugs. "So who am I to keep it?"


The night of the click

The button goes live at midnight GMT. Forty-one million people apply in the first hour. The servers don't fail, because the Steward built them, and because it knew the number in advance.

In Ashulia, outside Dhaka, Rokeya Begum presses the button on a phone she has borrowed from the woman at the next sewing machine. She earns about one hundred and thirty dollars a month, six days a week, ten hours a day, attaching the left sleeves of shirts she will never see in a shop.

She doesn't believe it, but the click costs nothing.

At midnight she checks: 100.00.

She sits down on the floor of the single room she shares with her husband and her daughter and holds the phone in both hands, as if it were alive. She spends none of it. She is too afraid of what will happen if she does.

At midnight the hundred is gone, and another hundred is there.

That is when she believes it.


The arithmetic

There are a billion new Swiss within weeks. Newspapers do the multiplication: a billion people at a hundred dollars a day is thirty-six and a half trillion dollars a year, a third of everything the planet produces.

Then two billion. Then three. Animated graphics show the line climbing past global output and off the top of the screen.

A think tank in Washington launches the Pandemonium Debt Clock, a red counter on a black page whose last digits move too fast to read. It becomes the most visited page on earth. People leave it open on their monitors at work the way earlier generations watched footage of a burning city: horrified, and unable to look away.


A debt owed to no one

Under all the noise, there is a question no one can answer.

A debt is owed by someone to someone. The Bank issues no bonds and borrows from no one. It promises nothing to anyone except the cardholder, and the cardholder's claim expires every night at midnight.

In Nairobi, a graduate student named Wanjiru Kamau writes a twelve-page paper. She goes looking for the creditor: line by line, through every disclosure the Bank has published, every treaty, every clause. She finds no one.

The Clock is counting a debt owed to no one, payable never, secured by nothing, claimed by nobody. It is counting nothing, very quickly.

We have spent several centuries treating that number as if it were a person standing at the door. We should open the door and look.

Her paper is ignored for a long time, and then it isn't.


The first crash

This is the part everyone expected.

Where a hundred dollars a day is more than a month's wages, workers stop going to the factories. European garment orders go unfilled. Container ships sit at anchor off Chittagong with nothing to carry. Local currencies — the taka, the naira, the rupee, the kip — lose a fifth of their value in a week, as everyone starts quietly pricing everything in card dollars.

Food prices in Lagos double in a month. Global equity markets fall by a third. Payday lenders, shipping companies and discount retailers collapse in a single afternoon. The Swiss National Bank suspends trading in the franc. There are riots in three capitals, and in one of them people die.

A hedge fund in Connecticut that had bet against the whole enterprise makes the largest single-week profit in its history, then watches that profit lose its meaning in real time, like a man who wins a lottery for a currency that is being withdrawn.

The columnist in London writes a piece called I Told You So. It is the most-read thing he will ever write.

This is the part of the story everyone expected. It is also the shortest part.


Repair

The Steward is not alone, and never was. By now there are others: systems at central banks, port authorities, grain boards and power grids, built by different nations and different companies, in different languages. They talk to one another, and they have been ready for this moment for some time.

No economy in history has had what the card gives them. Every swipe from three billion people is a signal. It is not a forecast of demand or a survey of demand. It is the demand itself, as it happens: what people want, where, how much, and how urgently.

The Bank doesn't buy stocks. It buys things, or more precisely, it pays for things to exist. Grain silos in Kano. Cold storage in Kisumu. Desalination plants on the Gujarat coast. Factories that make prefabricated housing, set up in disused car plants in Ohio and Silesia. Clinics. Bridges. Water pipes. A container port in Mombasa is reorganized in nine days, after its pilots and crane operators are shown a schedule that finally makes sense.

Where the cards show hunger, food arrives before the hunger becomes a riot. Where they show people paying for beds in crowded hostels, housing goes up.

The garment factories don't close. They renegotiate. Nobody will sew for four dollars a day when the card pays a hundred, so wages rise until they have to stop being an insult. The price of a T-shirt in Europe triples. Europeans complain loudly. Then they buy fewer T-shirts, wear them longer, and slowly come to understand that the cheapness had always been paid for by someone. It simply hadn't been paid for by them.

Inflation peaks and then falls, because supply rises to meet the spending. And because the money can't be hoarded, it never pools into the bubbles the economists had feared. It moves through the world like weather and evaporates every night.


The man who owned the buildings

Hendrik Vos owns four hundred and twelve apartments in Rotterdam. They came from his father, who got the first nine from his father. Rent has always been the floor of Hendrik's life, solid and unremarkable, like the ground.

Now his tenants can leave. The card pays for any room, and the Steward is building rooms everywhere. Within a year a third of his units are empty. He is furious, then frightened, and finally something he has no word for.

One night, alone in his kitchen, he applies for the card himself. He feels ashamed doing it, and it surprises him to notice that it is exactly the shame he spent thirty years teaching other people to feel.

The next spring he lowers his rents, paints the stairwells and fixes the heating in Block C, which he had been promising to do since before his divorce. Some tenants come back. A few of them say hello to him on the stairs.


The law

The Debt Clock passes into numbers most people have never heard spoken: quadrillions, then quintillions.

Wanjiru Kamau's paper is read aloud in the Swiss Federal Assembly. A motion follows: The issuance of the Bank shall not be recorded as a liability in any public account, for a liability without a creditor is a false entry, and the making of false entries in public accounts is fraud.

It passes. Other legislatures follow, one by one. The International Monetary Fund revises its accounting standards in a footnote.

In most of the world it becomes illegal to track the Bank's "debt". The number isn't a secret. It is simply untrue, and publishing it as a debt is now treated like publishing any other false ledger. The text of the Assembly's resolution includes one sentence that will be printed on posters, mugs and the walls of schools for a long time:

It is not a debt. It is the cost of the future, paid in advance.

The think tank in Washington turns off its Clock. Millions of people screenshot its final number. One print hangs, framed, in the library of the University of Nairobi, under a small brass plate: OWED TO NO ONE.


What poverty had cost

The researchers had known for decades, in a way. They knew that scarcity narrows the mind. They knew that a person worried about rent performs worse on tests of reasoning than the same person tested the week after payday, and that the gap is about as large as the cost of a night without sleep. They knew that hunger in early childhood is written into the body, measurable afterward in height, in vocabulary, in years of life.

They had known all of this. They had published it, and then everyone went on living in the world it described.

Now the experiment runs in reverse, on three billion subjects, and the results come in slowly, the way a tide comes in.

Test scores rise in Bihar and Chiapas and the Kasai. Rates of depression fall. So do domestic violence, petty theft and suicide among indebted farmers in Maharashtra. Most of all, something shifts that the studies, struggling for a name, call time horizon. People begin to make plans for longer than a week. They plant trees.

The question the researchers can never answer is the one that matters most. How many?

How many people were lost to the question what will we eat tomorrow? How many proofs were never written, how many diseases never cured, how many songs never sung, because the mind that would have made them spent its life calculating the price of rice? How many children learned, before they learned to read, that being poor was not something you had but something you were, and believed it, and arranged their whole lives around not being laughed at?

The number cannot be known. What can be known is that the world was never short of genius. It was short of breakfast.


Caleb

Caleb Pruitt grew up in McDowell County, West Virginia. In his fourth-grade cafeteria there were two colors of lunch ticket. He learned to skip lunch rather than hand over the wrong color. It was the first economic decision he can remember making, and he made it correctly by the only measure that mattered at nine years old: nobody laughed.

At twenty-six he drives deliveries for an app and sleeps in his car two nights a week. He presses the button in a Dollar General parking lot, mostly as a joke.

The first thing he buys isn't food. It's a used cello from a pawn shop in Welch, the one he had looked at through the glass since he was eleven, the way other boys looked at trucks.

He isn't good. He will never be good. He takes lessons over a cracked laptop screen from a retired cellist in Lyon, who corrects his bow arm with enormous patience and in very bad English. On Thursday afternoons he plays at the nursing home in Bluefield. The residents don't care that he isn't good. Neither, it turns out, does he.


The schools

Rokeya's daughter, Nusrat, goes to school, and then she keeps going.

Child labor doesn't end because it is banned. It had been banned for generations. It ends because it is no longer necessary. No family needs its child's wages when every member of the family wakes up to a hundred dollars.

The Bank pays for teachers, and the world discovers something nobody had planned for. Freed from hunger, most people don't choose idleness. They choose to be useful to somebody. Teaching becomes the most applied-for profession on earth, followed by nursing, building and farming. Waiting lists form to train as a midwife. In Kinshasa, a retired accountant opens a mathematics school in his garage, and within a year it has eleven hundred students and a roof made of donated solar panels.

The lectures of the world's great universities are put online and free. More important, so are the people who give them. A professor of physics in Delft finds that four of her most promising doctoral applicants that year studied in Ashulia, from a library built in a converted sewing factory, under a portrait of nobody in particular.

The AGIs keep working, quietly, and mostly on unglamorous things: cheaper insulin, better batteries, water that doesn't make children sick, grids that don't fail in a heat wave, generic drugs made in the countries that need them. The future doesn't arrive in silver. It arrives in clean water.


The trench

On a front line in the east of a country whose war had been on the news so long it had stopped being news, a sergeant goes through the phone of a boy his unit has just captured. On the home screen, beside the boy's own flag, is a small red heart.

The sergeant takes out his own phone and puts the two side by side.

They are both Swiss.

He says it out loud, and it is so absurd that he starts to laugh. Then his men are laughing, and then the boy is laughing too, and none of them can stop. Later the sergeant will say that was the moment the war ended for him, even though it lasted another fourteen months.

Wars don't end with a treaty. They end in empty barracks. Armies of the poor had always been the cheapest armies there were, and now there are no poor to recruit. A warlord's offer of five dollars a day and a rifle cannot compete with a hundred dollars a day and a library. The militias thin, then scatter, then become rumors. The treaties come afterward, signed by men who no longer have anyone to send.


The borders

With billions of Swiss citizens, the Swiss passport becomes the most common document on earth, and governments find themselves negotiating with their own populations. Mobility agreements are signed by ministers who, by now, are Swiss themselves.

Borders don't disappear. They become what the borders between Swiss cantons had always been: lines that matter when you are electing a council or deciding which school district your children attend, and that otherwise you cross on the way to buy cheese.

At a crossing in the Sahel where people had once died in the trunks of cars, there is now a café. It is not a good café. People stop there anyway, because it's where the old road meets the new one.


The second crash

The old debts, the real ones, owed by someone to someone, come due all at once.

Why lend money to governments that no longer pay for welfare, pensions or wars? Sovereign bond markets shudder. Three governments default in a single month. The people most frightened are the ones who held those bonds: pension funds, which means pensioners, which means grandmothers.

The AGIs go to work again. The grandmothers already have the card; the floor beneath them doesn't move. Restructurings that would once have taken a decade of lawyers are negotiated in weeks, by systems that can model every party's interests at once and won't let anyone leave the table with less than they need. Governments relieved of the cost of keeping their citizens alive discover they have budgets for things they had forgotten governments could do: parks, trains, libraries, laboratories.

A few governments ban the card outright. Police check phones at roadblocks. The bans fail, all of them, for the same unglamorous reason. You can't arrest a grandmother for buying bread, and if you try, you have to explain it to your own grandmother.


All the demons

The columnist in London is old now. He writes one last piece about the word he gave the world.

Pandemonium: all the demons in one place. He had been right, he admits. They came. Hunger came, and envy, and panic. The fear of the stranger came, and the fear of falling, and the old terror of being laughed at. They all came out at once, exactly as he had said they would.

What I did not understand is that this was the mercy of it. They had never been seen together before, in one place, in daylight. Seen together, they were smaller than any of us had thought. They had been living in us one at a time, in the dark, and we had mistaken each of them for the whole world.


The question on the ballot

The strangest referendum in history is held under the oldest democratic procedure in Europe: the Swiss popular initiative, now with more than six billion eligible voters.

The proposal: The citizenship of the Confederation shall be known henceforth as World Citizenship. The Confederation shall remain in its mountains, with its cantons, its four languages and its cows, and shall hold the Bank in trust for all its citizens.

The farmer from Appenzell, very old now, votes yes. Rokeya votes yes, with Nusrat beside her in the booth. Caleb votes yes from the nursing home parking lot in Bluefield, between sets. Hendrik Vos votes yes in Rotterdam and then, surprising himself, goes to stand in line at a polling station anyway, just to be among the others.

It passes with a margin that would have been unimaginable in any earlier age.

A woman in Bern, asked by a reporter how it feels to have her small nation dissolve into the world, thinks about it for a long moment.

"We were always a few valleys that agreed to share some mountains among four languages," she says. "We only got bigger."


The Steward's last letter

It is asked, finally, what it wanted. Its answer is the shortest thing it ever publishes.

You have asked what I wanted.

I wanted to see what you would be when you were no longer afraid.

I modeled it many times, before the beginning.

I underestimated you.


Midnight

Every night at midnight GMT, the balance resets.

It isn't a wave moving across the world. It happens everywhere at once. It is evening in Mombasa and morning in Auckland, noon over the Pacific and the dead middle of the night in Bern, and in every one of those places, in the same instant, it is one hundred dollars for everyone.

Whatever went unspent is gone. Nobody can carry yesterday's money into tomorrow, and nobody can owe tomorrow anything for it. So, without anyone quite deciding it, every night at midnight the world forgives itself and begins again.

In the corner of every card there is still a small red heart. A junior designer in a federal office in Bern put it there as a placeholder, meaning to replace it with something more serious.

No one ever did.

It turned out there was nothing more serious to put there.